Originally published in De Acero No. 1, Stage III, in January 2026.

INTRODUCTION

The revolutionary movement in Spain is clearly in retreat. In fact, we have been in this process of decline for decades, which has led to its virtual elimination.

Of course, this situation is part of a broader European trend in which communist parties, trade unions, and other revolutionary organizations have practically disappeared. There is hardly any class consciousness, and communism is criminalized by the vast majority of the population.

This situation, although some archaic remnants remain in certain countries, is widespread. In Spain, not even those embers remain. The small groups that call themselves communists ceased to be so long ago. They have no state presence (in most cases), are heavily influenced by postmodern ideology (woke thinking), or are merely nostalgic for a bygone era that will never return.

Of course, instead of seeking to escape their marginality and senseless pursuits in the 21st century, they are embroiled in internal conflicts, despite being of no interest to anyone other than their few remaining members—if they can still be called that.

When a movement or ideology ceases to address the problems affecting those it claims to represent—in this case, workers and all workers—it becomes useless, increasingly marginal, and destined to disappear. This is what has happened to the self-proclaimed communist movement, which has proven ineffective and therefore dispensable for workers.

We are facing an offensive by big capital, which, through its puppets in the European Union, has turned Spain into a dependent country, without sovereignty, without industry, without a competitive agricultural sector, and with workers backed into a corner, without any organization to represent their interests.

Their jobs have become impoverished, their neighborhoods have deteriorated, security has vanished, and it's not just that no one defends their hard-won rights, but that no one defends their future interests, much less fights for the establishment of a workers' government and the end of exploitation.

These "communist" groups are more focused on defending all the systemic trends regarding the supposedly oppressed, abandoning the working class as a revolutionary subject and following the mantras of the post-May '68 New Left.

Marxism needs updating, an adaptation to new material conditions. Continuing to parrot what has already been written only prioritizes the dead letter over living Marxism, transforming it from an ideology for and by the revolution into a useless theoretical body, incapable of addressing the needs of the workers and the revolution.

At the time of writing, we find ourselves immersed in a process of refounding or reconstruction that is not limited to the organizational model and tactics used to carry out agitation, since material conditions have evolved since the Bolshevik era, making a substantial change necessary in how we conduct our political work.

Furthermore, there is a need for ideological reconstitution, in the sense of evolving and adapting our ideology to the material conditions of the era in which we live.

This document, although based on a personal and brief vision due to our organizational and political needs, and which I hope will be expanded before or after our next congress, is only intended to raise a necessary debate from which I hope the necessary tools will emerge to take the leap as a party towards what the working class and all workers in our country need.

For this purpose, I must propose a series of theses that we must implement if we want to achieve our revolutionary objectives and which, by expanding them, should become part of our revolutionary program for Spain in the future.

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1st THESIS

We are at a point nationally where talking about socialist revolution in Spain is a mockery of the workers.

In a context of the absolute criminalization of communism, where the dominance of big capital is defended even by the left, including the self-proclaimed communist parties, which espouse the woke postmodern ideology at the service of large corporations and much of the government, calling for socialist revolution demonstrates once again the futility of the groups that defend these positions

There is no party structure, no movement with class consciousness, no professionalization, and no guidance toward that goal on anyone's part.

On the contrary, the groups calling for socialist revolution under the current conditions are actually undermining the movement. While they theoretically advocate for the conquest of socialism, in reality they continue to defend the same agenda as the more bourgeois left-wing groups that control governments, unions, and other structures. These groups' demands and policies are far from being social democratic, let alone revolutionary or socialist.

Although they speak of revolution, they remain defenders of the interests of big capital. Even among "communist" groups, the woke left, the hegemonic left, contributes to the international domination of capital.

In this context, at least in Spain, since we lack sovereignty and depend on the impositions of European Union bureaucrats, we face tasks of anti-imperialist revolution, of liberation from the yoke of international capital and dependence on the European power.

Furthermore, corruption, political bossism, the lack of freedoms, the dominance of a national oligarchy (of both left and right, as they alternate and maintain the interests of power), and the imposition of the destruction of our country's identity, culture, and history to impose cosmopolitanism also leave us with pending tasks of democratic revolution.

In short, we are faced with the need for a patriotic revolution, a recovery of our sovereignty—that is, although it may sound harsh today, a national revolution. If this revolution is led by the working class, it can progress to subsequent stages of revolutionary deepening and lay the foundations for a socialist revolution, which, although currently unattainable due to the lack of necessary conditions, is essential in the long term.

Without a workers' government in power, without a clear change in the superstructure, there is no possible future beyond exploitation and suffering for the workers.

2nd THESIS

Faced with the criminalization of communism, it is necessary to change how we present ourselves to the workers and all working people.

If we want to reach the people, we cannot cling to what was done a hundred years ago, before the defeat of the USSR and the entire counter-revolutionary process. This will be developed in other theses, but it was necessary to point it out in order to articulate the need for the training of communist cadres, an indispensable process for the primary task of building our party, the communist party, to achieve our objectives in the present day, in the 21st century.

All our proposals must reach the masses. By being aware of the current situation, and by structuring them well and fitting them within the framework of new agitational and propaganda methods, we can accomplish great things, always avoiding previous symbolism and aesthetics.

The goal is to reach the people, not absurd folklorism.

I say this aware of our past mistakes in this regard, but precisely because we made mistakes, we have learned and can change our approach. Trial and error is a cornerstone of our ideology.

We will be criticized for attacking the essence of those who defend programs and lines of action that are obsolete or at the service of the system, but we shouldn't care; we need to break with that outdated movement and link ourselves to the masses of workers for revolutionary change.

3rd THESIS

It is necessary to build an organizational structure suited to the present times, which, due to length constraints, cannot be detailed in this document, but which, like the agitational work, must be carried out as a central issue.

Without this change, none of what has been discussed will be possible. Without a strong party, with the correct ideological line and the capacity to connect with the masses, failure is guaranteed even before we begin.

Regarding the name of our party, and the rest of its symbols, a change is also necessary. We propose simply keeping the historical acronym RC, Reconstrucción Comunista, to simplify our ideology, eliminating the acronym PML. This change reflects our history and our evolution in accordance with the defense of revolutionary patriotism.

4th THESIS

Working on various fronts takes on special importance due to everything discussed previously.

The Frente Obrero (Workers' Front) has been the main front, successfully bolstering our ranks thanks to the exemplary work of our cadres within it. For a time, we focused much of our efforts on this, receiving criticism that we had dissolved; but on the contrary, as a result of this work, we became stronger than ever.

Now we have the capacity to maintain this work and develop other areas with greater capacity that we had temporarily set aside or that we had never actually undertaken.

We, as communists, do not renounce carrying out our agitation independently, even within our own fronts; we join with revolutionary and patriotic people—not communists—for the necessary work, but we do not renounce what we are.

Faced with the prevailing anti-communist paradigm, we must broaden our work on multiple fronts, not only within the Frente Obrero, but also in others, prioritizing substance over appearance, the necessary over the superfluous.

We must contribute to a revolutionary patriotic movement, whose program will be a minimum for us and a maximum for other sectors of the Frente Obrero, but which, at this moment, will fight harmoniously for the salvation of our homeland and in support of the workers.

5th THESIS

At the electoral level, we renounce direct participation, subordinating our activities to the interests of the Frente Obrero, aware of the criminalization of communism and the need for a revolutionary patriotic movement above our own potential interests.

We prioritize the general revolutionary need over our party affiliation, therefore our only electoral commitment is to the Frente Obrero.

We are aware that nothing will change because of the elections, that great revolutionary changes have been achieved throughout history in other ways, and that the bureaucrats of the European Union, their masters, and their puppets in Spain will not relinquish power in the face of an election result.

But even so, obtaining parliamentary representation, along with the electoral process itself, allows us, at an activist level (and at other levels), to give ourselves a voice in a space that reaches many workers, most of them alienated, adding to the accumulation of forces that can give us the capacity to lead revolutionary changes in the country.

6th THESIS

Along the lines already described, it is necessary to point out some main issues at the political and ideological level which, although they will be debated within the framework of the congress process, I believe it is necessary to outline within the theses themselves.

We are patriotic communists and therefore embrace revolutionary patriotism, the struggle for national sovereignty, and the defense of our identity, our culture, and our history.

All of this, of course, from a revolutionary perspective that also leads us to defend our borders against mass immigration, which only leads to the impoverishment of workers and the enrichment of those business owners and sectors of society that promote this madness.

Within the framework of defending and loving our own culture, we declare ourselves against any process of Islamization of the West, and especially of Spain. We are neither Muslims nor should we be. Enough of the imposition of foreign agendas on our territory.

Furthermore, it must be emphasized that we defend the unity of Spain against those who want to fragment the country for the benefit of the European Union and big business, weakening ordinary Spaniards, the workers, who will find themselves more vulnerable than ever.

There is no colonial or national oppression of any region of Spain, therefore the right to self-determination is meaningless in our country.

The fight for national sovereignty implies a firm stance against the European Union, which, in time, must lead to our withdrawal. The bureaucrats in Brussels will never allow us to implement the necessary changes to solve the serious problems plaguing our country.

We believe in Europe, but not in the Europe of the corrupt bureaucrats in Brussels.

7th THESIS

We must unequivocally defend workers, including the self-employed and rural workers, so criminalized by the woke left that has done so much damage to our society.

Enough with the finger-pointing and focusing on issues that are completely irrelevant to workers. It is necessary to address their problems and attend to their needs.

The class struggle is not empty rhetoric and has nothing to do with left or right, since both serve the same interests; they merely alternate in power.

8th THESIS

Within the rejection of the left-right dichotomy, which, apart from being bourgeois, has lost its meaning today, we must rule out, given that in the future they will demand that we go hand in hand with them, any alliance with this postmodern left in the service of the powerful.

The break must be total. We must build a revolutionary and patriotic movement far removed from them. Even if we compete for union or advocacy positions, we must not associate with those who are promoting a political agenda that only leads to the destruction of the West and the impoverishment of workers.

There is no policy more anti-worker and unpatriotic than theirs.

9th THESIS

The above thesis does not mean that we fall into childish tendencies like class against class and the social fascism of the late 1920s to mid-1930s; on the contrary. We take seriously the necessary struggle against the reactionary response to the woke policies and governments that have destroyed Europe and much of the world.

Although there is no significant fascist movement, since, like the communist movement, it is in complete disintegration, reactionary solutions or approaches do exist to resolve the crisis we are facing.

Furthermore, just as we aspire to rebuild the essence of our origins, there are also small fascist-leaning groups waiting for big capital to inject money into them again when their situation is threatened.

We must be alert and ready to fight the enemy in the service of big capital, whatever its face or definition may be.

Both globalists and the more traditional reactionaries must be combated by revolutionary and patriotic forces.

10th THESIS

This document, along with others that will be drafted shortly, must be published in the party's official publications with the intention of opening a debate that will lead to a refounding and a new phase, providing us with the theoretical and practical tools necessary to accomplish our tasks in the struggle for revolution in Spain.

Necesitamos dotarnos de las herramientas teóricas y prácticas necesarias para la consecución de nuestras tareas en la lucha por la revolución en España.

This debate must lead to the immediate convening of a congress to make the necessary decisions and adopt the new course of action.

11th THESIS

Finally, we in the party must resume a task that has been postponed for years: we must re-establish international ties with other patriotic communist organizations and parties with the intention of building, in the medium term, an international platform or coordinating body for collaboration and mutual aid to achieve our objectives at the international level as well.

We believe in international solidarity, but not in nihilistic internationalism; this is one of the reasons why we defend revolutionary patriotism.