For quite some time now, we have defined ourselves as Patriotic Communists, setting aside other terms more closely tied to the past and now historically surpassed. We identify ourselves with the Soviet Revolutionary Patriotism, embracing the changes that revised positions previously held within the communist movement, adopting the rejection of national negation and nihilistic internationalism as our own. History has shown that There is no revolution without a homeland, therefore making our own — not in a tactical sense, but as a matter of principle — the defence of national identity, our culture and our history; in other words, the defence of who we are and what has brought us to this point. The Revolutionary Patriotism for us, it is nothing more than the consistent application of our communist doctrine to the material conditions of the present time — an adaptation and evolution of the ideology of revolution and working-class emancipation to our current reality. It represents a union between revolutionary workers’ struggle and national and patriotic sentiment. Communist ideology cannot be conceived as a dogmatic body of thought. For us, only a living, creative understanding of it exists — one that adapts to the conditions of the moment. One cannot be a communist as though it were a religious matter. The concrete analysis of the concrete situation must not be replaced by the scholasticism of formulas already outdated and useless for the advancement of the broader revolutionary movement. It is more important to understand and assimilate the essence of ideology than to cling to rigid and closed forms which, in most cases, are not even fully understood by those who defend them. Our ideology must be a guide for the interpretation and transformation of society, it cannot remain confined to rhetorical questions within a kind of club of intellectuals detached from the masses, who in reality do not know what they are talking about and lack even the ABCs of Marxism. Moreover, it must be put into practice while abandoning outward-facing folklorism and symbolism that only generate rejection among workers. We must be capable of overcoming the effects of the anti-communist paradigm and reaching workers in order to raise consciousness for social transformation.
Communism, as an ideology, is the defence of class struggle as the driving force of history, aimed at the emancipation of the working class, the conquest and establishment of workers’ power, and the consequent creation, defence and development of socialism as the first phase of communism. Everything else is secondary and, in many cases, even superfluous.
Of course, a communist must be organised within the party that acts as the vanguard of the workers throughout the entire process. If such a party does not exist, they should work actively towards building it. Since reactionary forces are organised and professionalised, neither individualism nor remaining in marginal small groups are considered effective ways of confronting them. Everything commonly argued on this matter by individuals and small groups who repeat the same old mistakes — or who, according to this view, have also accepted postmodern or “woke” ideology within their Marxist or communist definition — is presented as nothing more than an attempt to obscure what being a communist has always truly meant:
To defend revolution, the conquest of power by the workers, socialism, and the pursuit of a classless society.
Lastly, it is necessary to emphasise that we must to fight with all our strength against those regarded as falsifiers and usurpers of communism, confronting cosmopolitan and revisionist perspectives considered aligned with big capital and contributing to the broader criminalisation of communism. A revolutionary movement must provide answers to the major challenges and problems faced by workers, for this reason, we take the position — as part of our ideas — against mass immigration, which we argue impoverishes native workers, encourages the exploitation of newcomers and generates associated problems such as rising crime, the degradation of neighbourhoods and cities, the formation of ghettos, Islamisation and the destruction of our culture. In this view, all of this occurs to the detriment of who we are, in service of a destructive globalism that seeks only to keep individuals isolated and weak in order to control them and create compliant consumers.
For all these reasons, we have adopted the slogan Homeland and Revolution as our own, understanding that there is no other path for the advance of the revolutionary struggle.
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