Originally published in De Acero No. 1, Stage III, in January 2026.

In the course of our political work, we have encountered accusations of indecisiveness from those who believe that because we don't fit into the left-right dichotomy—a bourgeois dichotomy that originated in the French Revolution and has evolved to the point of losing its meaning—we lack a clear definition of our ideology. Today, left and right defend the same interests; moreover, this dichotomy no longer reflects political reality, nor is it useful for conducting a nuanced analysis of current politics.

Before breaking down the general positions of the Spanish left and right, to focus on a specific case, although it is applicable to most Western countries, it is necessary to point out, or define, what we are, since the rejection we face in some sectors is not, as we have already said, due to a lack of definition, but rather because we do not fit into their simplistic and limited views of the political landscape; but our definition is clear. We are a broad movement, since our status as a party is a legal imperative, a revolutionary patriotism, composed of those who gather the best of the struggles and experiences of the workers' and revolutionary movement and combine it with love for their homeland, that is, the defense of its identity, its culture, and its history.

To some we will be reactionaries for defending our homeland, to others we will be ultra-leftists for defending the workers' struggle and the pursuit of a government in which the workers hold real power. But we are neither: we are revolutionaries and we are patriots.

Furthermore, anyone wishing to delve deeper into these concepts has access to a wide range of articles and books that explain all our positions from a theoretical and in-depth perspective. We don't deceive anyone, something that cannot be said of those who merely follow ridiculous ideological packages that are of no use whatsoever to Spain or its workers.

The Spanish left, although it doesn't deserve the label, including the self-proclaimed communist groups, has stopped defending the class struggle and revolution, not in all cases, but in the most relevant ones, in order to accept and promote the dictates of big capital, which has disguised itself behind a supposedly progressive face, but which hides the darkness of the worst reactions under more benign forms.

This process reached its peak in May '68 in France, where the revolutionary subject shifted for them from the working class to minorities, beginning with the student movement. Over time, the white working-class man in Europe went from being the pillar of revolutionary change to a cisgender, heterosexual, patriarchal figure, a kind of Cro-Magnon who needed to be deconstructed. The family became the center of evil, and birth rates were even frowned upon. The workers' quest for insurrection and the seizure of political power has devolved into absurdities, the worst of which is their inability to even understand what it means to be a woman; now, instead of a material reality, it's seen as merely a feeling. The decline of society is absolute, and they bear much of the blame. The lamentable role of feminism, in all its various offshoots, is particularly striking here. The new left has become the defender of all causes promoted by big business. It has turned political activism into an absurd pursuit of all transgressive and aesthetically "revolutionary" or progressive trends that only protect the interests of the powerful. The consequences of these political gambles are always borne by the same people: the workers.

This trend has turned the new left into the spearhead for the destruction of the West, actively contributing to the implementation of transgressive consumption, the isolation of the individual, and the destruction of any collective identity that could put a stop to this debacle, which is now international.

Decades ago they fought against American imperialism; today they contribute to spreading the poison of cosmopolitanism, the transgressive consumer culture, and, by extension, the staunch defense of their economic interests throughout the world. In Spain, the old class-based unions have become servants of power, living off subsidies and having eliminated any revolutionary demands from their platforms. They are nothing more than a battering ram for left-wing parties in the service of big capital. They are the main agents of mass disorganization and only activate their machinery when their masters order them to move in defense of interests that are foreign and antithetical to those of the workers.

These organizations have also gone from being patriotic to defending national nihilism and the enemies of the country, with many of these enemies joining their ranks.

Spanish identity has become an obstacle to their plans to wipe the slate clean in the West and increase the social control they already wield. Therefore, they are pushing for a radical cosmopolitanism that attacks one of the pillars of our society. Anything that helps to structure our identity will be vehemently attacked in whatever sphere it develops. They don't care if it's in schools, colleges, universities, the media, advertising campaigns, film, or literature. If you don't align with their thinking, they will come after you and label you a fascist or worse. These fervent attacks by the new left target not only national identity, but also class identity, the Christian religion, history, and the family. They want to destroy everything that nourishes and structures who we are. The only collective identity they allow, though it isn't even truly one, is the so-called globalist one, which in reality only seeks individualization and alienation so that nothing and no one can oppose their designs and spurious interests.

Furthermore, it is necessary to highlight another political strategy of the new left that is particularly destructive for the West, and that is the Islamophilia they have adopted in their blind hatred of Christianity. To theoretically combat a religious obscurantism nonexistent in Western Europe, they have opted to whitewash and facilitate the expansion of the worst religious obscurantism that can exist on our continent: Islam.

Furthermore, they point out that anyone who is even slightly critical of Islam is persecuted and criminalized as Islamophobic, while they themselves can harass and do whatever they want with Christianity, which, whether we like it or not, is culturally what we all are in the West. While in the USSR campaigns were waged to burn veils in public squares, the new left is conducting witch hunts against anyone who doesn't want Europe to become Eurabia. The political space of this declassed and unpatriotic left is not ours; in fact, in union work they act hand in hand with the company, and there are many cases in which we must fight fiercely against both, with the UGT and CC. OO. delegates being more vehement in their opposition to the worker than the employer himself.

There is no other path than confrontation. It is true that we can find common ground in spaces such as the union, as already described, or social movements, but it will always be to combat them, since their political positions are always opportunistic and only seek to distort the struggles, strip them of any revolutionary element, and redirect them for their own benefit, which is none other than that of the big capitalists.

It's curious to observe when they talk about right-wing capital funding and they have businessmen like Soros internationally, or Roures, Botín, and Pablo Iglesias nationally. The financial support of the left and the right is equal in terms of international funding from big capital.

The right wing doesn't play a better role than the left; its space remains a political stage at the service of big capital. Behind both sides are the same interests. It's not the first time that large foundations have poured money into both camps. They always win, regardless of who nominally wins an election; they win, and we, the workers, lose.

Here it is necessary to refer, more than to parties like the People's Party, about which everything is already more than clear, to a new wave of a somewhat different right wing, at least in its style, although in substance it doesn't vary as much as they would have us believe. The new populist right is gaining ground throughout Europe, and in other countries like the US, given the inaction of traditional parties, cosmopolitanism, the vulnerability of borders, mass immigration, and Islamism, but this doesn't mean they are providing an optimal solution for workers in this crisis; they are simply the other side of the coin.

In some countries like Spain they are the crutch party of the classic right, the PP, while in others where they have even come to power, they do not fulfill their promises to solve the burning problems, they only take certain insufficient measures for show, but without harming those who have given them the money to get where they are.

They defend the interests of the powerful; they are the most classic reactionary force (compared to the current left), but essentially their existence guarantees the maintenance of the current system of domination. They don't want to go any further; they only want to superficially return to a time when workers, although better off than now (since the methods of domination are also becoming more professional), were still far from perfect. Their patriotism is merely rhetorical; when it comes to governing in coalition or collecting salaries from the state, it's reduced to empty words. If that weren't the case, why have they remained silent in Spain when Trump acted against national interests? They're only patriots when it suits them to get votes, but when it doesn't, they'll do anything to keep profiting. The Spanish case is a prime example: VOX is more interested in currying favor with Donald Trump and Israel, and entering the central government with the PP, which is just as responsible for the current situation as the PSOE, than in the real interests of the Spanish people.

It's necessary to ask a question to make everything clearer. If they are such patriots and don't care about being politically correct, why have they never criticized Mohammed VI and the Moroccan dictatorship? They are Spain's main geopolitical enemy, so why don't they? It's clear that it's due to political and economic interests and subservience to Felipe VI, a useless monarch who is a defender of Agenda 2030, which, in VOX's own words, is killing Spain.

It's just another example of what they truly are. No substantial change will come from them or their political sphere. A sphere that isn't ours either; we may agree on marches against the falsely labelled progressive government, or on issues that support our identity, but they are not ours. We must also confront their superficial, reactionary patriotism and move towards other, more productive spaces for our interests. Regarding other radical right-wing groups, it goes without saying that we have nothing to do with them, nor do we want to. Reactionaries, and especially fascism, are our irreconcilable enemies. Although they are currently weakened, a time may come when they could resurface, and we will be there to fight them. We are fully aware that if they were to advance and triumph, we would end up in a concentration camp, at best. Fascism is the ruin of the workers and must be fought.

After concisely outlining our views on the political landscapes of the left and right, we must conclude this article with a vision of what our political space should be, and yes, as you might have guessed, we must build our own. There is no other option that leads to different results. A third way, separate from the bourgeois left and right, whose objective is to reach ordinary people, the working class, and defend their interests at all levels. In a world where ideology is a label others impose on you, we must be clear in our positions and practical commitments.

Faced with the decadent filth we have been forced to endure, we cannot simply follow the established order. We must fight and work to build something new, something different, something that will be useful for Spain and for its workers. It will be a difficult task, since the natural tendency in our society, with its current polarization, is to align oneself with either the left or the right. But we must persevere in our tireless work, which will gradually allow us to accumulate the strength to make our proposals a reality. It will be difficult, but we will succeed.